even in non-human primates, physical abuse tends to co-occur with high rates of maternal rejection and failure to protect the infant (McCormack et al., 2006). Moreover, when both the frequency of physical abuse and rejection are used to predict the lower levels of CSF serotonin concentrations noted among abused Rhesus infants, the results indicate that it is neglect/rejection that predicts this neurobiological effect (Maestripieri et al., 2006a; Maestripieri et al., 2006b). Among young children placed in foster care because of maltreatment, markedly atypical cortisol diurnal rhythms are associated with the child’s history of severe neglect, as compared to physical or sexual abuse (Bruce, Fisher et al., 2009), with similar findings noted for children living within the markedly deprived conditions of an institution (e.g. orphanage; Carlson and Earls, 1997). These findings, plus the prominence of deprivation/disruption of parental care in the early experience rodent models, led our network to focus on variations in the amount and quality of parental care in conceptualizing ELS. This is not to say that physical abuse or commission of harm does not have an impact on development; however, these effects are likely more related to trauma (see Yehuda & LeDoux, 2007). Therefore, in our work on
